This paper focuses specifically on soft power in India's foreign policy and sources of India's soft power. U.S.-India Military Relationship: Matching Expectations. that the largely negative mutual perceptions by the Chinese and Indian public and accompanied by a juxtaposed, binary discourse of the bilateral relation by The India-US/ Sino-Pakistani nexus concerns both sides. . “complex amalgamation of actors, interests and expectations”. 'America' or 'Land of Beauty', 美. Yet, after the first year of the Trump presidency, U.S.-India relations are need to articulate their perceptions and expectations of the strategic.
The Kennedy administration openly supported India during the Sino-Indian war and considered the Chinese action as "blatant Chinese Communist aggression against India". Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and General Maxwell Taylor advised the president to use nuclear weapons should the Americans intervene in such a situation.
Kennedy insisted that Washington defend India as it would any ally, saying, "We should defend India, and therefore we will defend India. As an economist, he also presided over the at the time largest US foreign aid program to any country. Following the assassination of Kennedy inIndo-US relations deteriorated gradually. While Kennedy's successor Lyndon Johnson sought to maintain relations with India to counter Communist China,  he also sought to strengthen ties with Pakistan with the hopes of easing tensions with China and weakening India's growing military buildup as well.
Richard Nixon shifted away from the neutral stance which his predecessors had taken towards Indo-Pakistani hostilities. He established a very close relationship with Pakistan, aiding it militarily and economically, as India, now under the leadership of Indira Gandhiwas seen as leaning towards the Soviet Union.
He considered Pakistan as a very important ally to counter Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent and establish ties with China, with whom Pakistan was very close.
Later inIndia conducted its first nuclear test, Smiling Buddhawhich was opposed by the US, however it also concluded that the test did not violate any agreement and proceeded with a June shipment of enriched uranium for the Tarapur reactor. In the late s, with the anti-Soviet Janata Party leader Morarji Desai becoming the Prime Minister, India improved its relations with the US, now led by Jimmy Carterdespite the latter signing an order in barring nuclear material from being exported to India due to India's non-proliferation record.
The Reagan Administration provided limited assistance to India. India sounded out Washington on the purchase of a range of US defence technology, including F-5 aircraft, super computers, night vision goggles and radars. In Washington approved the supply of selected technology to India including gas turbines for naval frigates and engines for prototypes for India's light combat aircraft.
There were also unpublicised transfers of technology, including the engagement of a US company, Continental Electronics, to design and build a new VLF communications station at Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu, which was commissioned in the late s. The United States strongly condemned this testing, promised sanctions, and voted in favour of a United Nations Security Council Resolution condemning the tests.Will Donald Trump's Turning Down Republic Day Offer Affect INDO-US Relations ? - CNN VIRTUOSITY
President Bill Clinton imposed economic sanctions on India, including cutting off all military and economic aid, freezing loans by American banks to state-owned Indian companies, prohibiting loans to the Indian government for all except food purchases, prohibiting American aerospace technology and uranium exports to India, and requiring the US to oppose all loan requests by India to international lending agencies.
Only Japan joined the US in imposing direct sanctions, while most other nations continued to trade with India. The sanctions were soon lifted. Afterward, the Clinton administration and Prime Minister Vajpayee exchanged representatives to help rebuild relations. India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to core US foreign policy interests.
India, a dominant actor in its region, and the home of more than one billion citizens, is now often characterised as a nascent Great Power and an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that many analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growing clout of China.
In MarchU. Bush collaborated closely with India in controlling and policing the strategically critical Indian Ocean sea lanes from the Suez Canal to Singapore. Bush administrationrelations between India and the United States were seen to have blossomed, primarily over common concerns regarding growing Islamic extremismenergy security, and climate change. Bush commented, "India is a great example of democracy.
It is very devout, has diverse religious heads, but everyone is comfortable about their religion. The world needs India". Bush as "being the most pro-Indian president in American history. According to Laskarthe UPA rule has seen a "transformation in bilateral ties with the US", as a result of which the relations now covers "a wide range of issues, including high technology, space, education, agriculture, trade, clean energy, counter-terrorism, etc".
SinceWashington and New Delhi have been pursuing a "strategic partnership" that is based on shared values and generally convergent geopolitical interests. Numerous economic, security, and global initiatives — including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation — are underway. This latter initiative, first launched inreversed three decades of American non-proliferation policy.
Also inthe United States and India signed a ten-year defence framework agreement, with the goal of expanding bilateral security cooperation. The two countries engaged in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises, and major US arms sales to India were concluded. According to Michael Kugelman, South and Southeast Asia expert at the Woodrow Wilson International Center, the US was unprepared to meet new challenges in India because of its "inability to keep pace with the transformations.
He also said that both countries are strengthening the relations between their defence and research organisations. Narayanancriticised the Obama administration for linking the Kashmir dispute to the instability in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and said that by doing so, President Obama was "barking up the wrong tree.
It also suggested that India take a more proactive role in rebuilding Afghanistanirrespective of the attitude of the Obama Administration. Consequently, the Obama Administration may find itself at odds with India's rigid stance against terrorism. Calling India and the United States "natural allies",  Blake said that the United States cannot afford to meet the strategic priorities in Pakistan and Afghanistan at "the expense of India".
She also rebuked protectionist policies, saying that "[United States] will not use the global financial crisis as an excuse to fall back on protectionism. We hope India will work with us to create a more open, equitable set of opportunities for trade between our nations. Krishna, visited Washington, D.
As leader of the US delegation, Secretary of State Clinton lauded India as "an indispensable partner and a trusted friend". Eisenhower in to ever address a joint session of the Parliament of India. Marshals Service and held in the general inmate population.
Embassy in New Delhi. American diplomats were asked to show work contracts of all domestic help cooks, gardeners, drivers and security staff employed within their households. From that point onwards, the discussion increasingly escalates: Something as simple as raising a point of not showing enough men helping out in household chores is a rant now.
Kind of explains why Indian men actually do the least amount of household work in the world. Agratha Dinakaran to Sectum Sempra. Even with all this feminazi bullshit going on these days, I have rarely seen any couple in which the woman is earning more than the man.
Contesting the Norm? Live-in Relationships in Indian Media Discourses
The commercials which shows a woman bringing a cup of tea, also shows she is a housewife, which is equality Sectum Sempra to Agratha Dinakaran. The viewer does not want to stand out as a misogynist but simultaneously exposes a deep-rooted aversion to feminism. You are looking only at the bad apples, and I this is really harming everyone.
This video had nothing to do with feminism, but you made it that way. Stop poisoning everything Sectum Sempra to Agratha Dinakaran.
Shilpa Phadke argues that it is important to note the difference between feminism and gender equality: The discourse of equality is the easiest one for the state, for instance, to support, propagate, and attempt to institutionalize. Feminism showever, while they would include the idea of equality, are also a political critique of patriarchal power relations, and focus on the transformation of structures and institutions Phadke The majority agree that the commercial does not reflect a realistic intergenerational relationship and that the easy acceptance of the live-in scenario is rather wishful thinking.
Given the social power structure, parents need to change in order to render social change possible. Viewers decode this effort as the inherent social message of the advertisement: Others go even further by accusing Red Label of threatening the traditional value system: Despite the general acceptance of the symbolic importance of the Indian joint family, the definition, composition, functions, history, and future of the concept remain unclear.
Although its decline has been predicted since the colonial era with much pessimism Uberoi Another political aspect is the equation of the Indian family with the nation.
Following this logic, the nation is conceived as a family and the family is conceived as the core cultural principal of Indian society. The book cover reads: Arranged marriage exemplifies the problem of exaggerated cultural difference. It is constituted by both material needs and popular discourses of love, marriage, and family.
She further argues that this logic clearly shows orientalist streaks. In orientalist discourses the distribution of attributes is usually the reverse Khandelwal The juxtaposition of free romantic love with arranged marriages proves untenable.
Dating, argues Khandelwal, does equally maintain socio-economic stratification. Most marriages in the USA and European societies are contracted within socio-economic classes and not across. Despite a rhetorical shift from material concerns to love, social reproduction remains the pivotal function of marriage within nearly all social and cultural contexts Khandelwal In regards to the Indian context, Mody rejects the distinction between love and arranged marriage in favor of a classification that distinguishes between personal and social choice Self-proclaimed experts like the viewer Ayla Balaga clearly demarcate what is morally and socially of higher value from their point of view: Just keeps getting worse n out of control… now hookups n even online prostitution Ayla Balaga.
While looking closer at the discourses taking place around live-in relationships in the wider online sphere, the accusation of delaying commitment by not wanting to marry is a recurrent theme. A blogger by the name Samiksha Wadhwani writes: If an analysis is made of need of such relationships, avoiding responsibility would emerge as the prime reason. Similar accusations are not unfamiliar in a global popular discourse: Too much choice results in having difficulties committing oneself because of the ever lurking thought that something better could come up.
Hence, it comes as no surprise that most of the pro-cohabitation groups and posts contain references to liberalism, choice, freedom, and individualism.
As indicated in her comment, sexuality is closely related to the issue of culture and western influence. In this line of argument, live-in relationships refer to illicit sexuality and threaten the priority of controlled female sexuality.
The holy bond of heterosexual matrimony forms the basic module within the above-discussed family conceptualization. Unconfined sexuality, consequently, undermines the moral superiority of the entire construction. Recent incidents of moral policing indicate an overall hostile attitude towards relationships outside marriage.
Her own reading is situated within the normative discourse on the Indian family system and its entanglement with nationalism and morality. Mankekar links female sexuality also to middleclassness: Similarly to Balaga, another viewer paints a scenario of ever-increasing moral deterioration if commercial advertisements continue to feature norm-breaking social settings: Parents visiting during a gang bang and enjoying a cup of tea made by a stripper in a dupatta?
I think they are promoting acceptance of love, in whatever form it may be. I sometimes worry how twisted our definition of virtues and principles are.
As the discussion illustrates, viewers are apparently confused about the exact message conveyed by the advertisement. Some read it as an emancipatory, liberating move towards a more egalitarian representation in commercial television; others decoded an inherently dangerous message aiming to destroy the dominant social fabric; and a third group of commenters is still not satisfied with the level of progressiveness and criticizes the authenticity of the representation.
However, this was not the initial intention. This paper rather asked whether the act of rendering the unconventional visible is already a challenge to the idea of the Indian family. The answer can only be an ambiguous one as the subversion of the norm remains limited, both because the advertisement articulates counter-normative live-in relationship and normative markers stereotypical gender rolesand because advertising is generally embedded in consumerism. The protagonist Pallavi fulfills the image of a caring, quiet, adaptive and family-oriented bride-to-be, and by indicating chastity with the dupatta that she puts on, she confirms conventional notions about gender norms.
It is, as the YouTube discussion clearly points out, not the son but she who has to convince his parents of her value. Issues like sexuality, marriage and family are dealt with in a conflict-free and harmonious way.
Modernity remains superficial and merely technical. But it does not negate the factuality of a television advertisement trying to sell a tea brand. The logic of advertising, Phadke argues, transforms the appeal of products from the rationality of utility to the aspirationality of social status Despite the nature of commodification that is attached to commercial advertising, it is undeniable that in reality an individualized decision to live together causes changes in family relationships.
Within the second context, the role of the father as a decision-making patriarch is remarkably reduced. It is the mother in-law who needs to be pacified and convinced. But overall, the central themes—in the analyzed YouTube comment section as well as the popular discourse on live-in relationships—appear to be not solely holy matrimony or the relationship between Chirag and Pallavi as depicted in the advertisement.
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